What Happened in Mogadishu between 29 March and 1 April 2007?



Does any one remember the death and destruction unleashed by the invading Ethiopian Army on Mogadishu between 29 March and 1 April 2007? In just 4 unforgettable days, the invading army commanded by Colonel Ghebre incinerated a heavily populated area in the Capital estimated at 10 kilometres.  A Committee appointed by the Hawiye Elders to assess the damage came up with the following harrowing statistics, including the following

Death:                                     1068  (children, women, elderly and young men)
Injury:                                    4344
Displacement:                        1.4 million
Crimes against humanity:    mass detention, torture, and rape, dead bodies paraded and refused proper burial
Property loss:                        $1.5 billion worth of public & private properties destroyed
Hospitals:                               6 destroyed 
Schools:                                  275 schools catering for 155,300 pupils
Universities:                           13 universities catering for 5,800 students
Qur’anic schools:                   1096 catering for 56,760 learners
Industries:                             36 factories
Source: This assessment was published on Hiiraan Online on 10 April 2007.

                                                At the Ethiopian Embassy inside Villa Somalia

I do not know where those in the photo above with the Ethiopian Ambassador inside Villa Somalia were in those days and what they remember or do not remember. The Mayor of Mogadishu was possibly in the UK as the picture below shows (what an irony). 


The Deputy Prime Minister was probably in Ethiopia.  There is a video of him addressing an audience in Ethiopia in Amharic. Informed sources indicate that the Deputy Prime Minister of Somalia is an Ethiopian with an Ethiopian passport. 

Hon. Abdi Hashi is seen by most Somalis as a decent and patriotic Somali. It is tragic to see him in this bizarre spectacle and strange company.

Nations with a long history of hostilities can improve relations and jointly chart a better future. However, this can only happen in a diplomatic tango involving two  free and equal parties. 
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Why I am NOT Celebrating Africa Day Today

Today, 25 May 2018, marks the 55th annivaesary of the foundation of the Organization of African Union (OAU), now known as the African Union (AU). This year, like the 54 years before, we are being asked to celebrate the Africa Day also alternatively known as African Freedom Day and African Liberation Day. But what is there to celebrate for? The biggest and richest country in the continent is mired in endless conflict, bloodletting and endemic poverty, coupled with the most egregious assault on human dignity imaginable. Yes. You guessed it. It is the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This country is blessed with all types of resources and assets that make nations wealthy: human capital, fertile land, forests, water, mineral wealth. Yet the majority of its population depend on external handouts to survive and on the UN for protection.
How many countries in Africa achieved the the 6 Education for All (EFA) goals? None. In fact, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has one-seventh of the population worldwide. Yet it accounts for nearly half of all youth illiterates and more than a quarter of adult illiterate population world worldwide, according to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics (2015). Ethiopia and Nigeria are home to the largest number of youth and adults in SSA who lack  basic literacy skills, estimated at 29 million and 42 million respectively. How about the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)? There is not much to celebrate either, although some countries recorded small baby steps forward here and there. According to the World Bank, rapid population growth cancelled out the modest progress made in poverty reduction between 1990 and 2012, with the net result being the number of Africans blighted by extreme poverty increasing ‘by more than 100 million’ during the same period here. The target date for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is 12 years away. However, barring miracles or extraordinary divine intervention, no one seriously and honestly believes that Africa could realistically eradicate poverty and hunger, deliver the promise of good health, quality education, gender equality, clean water and sanitation, affordable energy, decent work, and most importantly, peace, justice and strong institutions. 

The African Union has its own Agenda 2063: The Africa We want. It declared 2018, its 55th anniversary, Year of Combatting Corruption: A Sustainable Path to Africans Transformation. These are beautiful words and lofty ideals. However, no one takes the AU seriously, including its own members. It could not even sustain its own existence. Its new Head Quarters was donated by the AU’s latest and biggest patron, China. The benevolent patron then reportedly bugged the entire complex it built for the AU. The AU relies on external assistance for its annual operations. When its new Chairperson, President Paul Kagame, tried to urge his counterparts to raise the AU’s core funds from their own resources, his proposal was snubbed, with some of the continent’s heavyweights spearheading the chorus of disapproval. 

The great African thinker and Nobel laureate, Wole Soyink, has captured the plight of Africa and the African condition in his book Of Africa (2012).
Africa remains the monumental fiction of European creativity. Every so-called nation on that continent is a mere fiction perpetrated in the cause of external interests by imperial powers, a fiction that both colonial rule and post-independence exertions have struggled and failed – in the main – to turn into an enduring, coherent reality. It is a gross fiction whose exposure continues to exact penalties in hundreds of thousands of lives…Africa has paid, and continues to pay, a heavy price for the upkeep of a European fiction 
The Africa Union is the principal peddler and perpetuator of this lethal fiction. For 55 years it has promoted the power and legitimacy of African states, but criminally neglected or wantonly violated the fundamental rights, freedoms, and human dignity of African peoples. The AU defended or at best turned a blind eye when dictators and tyrants in its midst butchered their people and looted state coffers. It has pursued big projects and celebrated double digit economic growth, but spectacularly failed to address or even explain the terrible and never-ending saga of corrosive corruption, crumbling infrastructure, endemic poverty and hunger, rampant disease, dysfunctional education systems, and protracted social strife and violent conflicts.
I am African. And for the reasons stated above, I am not in a position to celebrate the Africa Day today. 

© 2018 Hassan A. Keynan
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It is true: Mogadishu is Somalia and Somalia is Mogadishu

Three weeks ago the President of the Puntland State of Somalia, Mr. Abdiweli Gaas, paid an official visit to the United Arab Emirates (UAE). During his highly publicized diplomatic tour, President Abdiweli spoke on a wide range of topics. In one of his widely disseminated speeches, the Professor blamed the catastrophic collapse of Somalia in 1991 on excessive and abusive centralization of power by what he referred to as ‘the Mogadishu city-state’. He confidently and categorically declared that calamitous era over, and proclaimed the birth of a new, federal Somalia. ‘Somalia is not Mogadishu and Mogadishu is not Somalia,’ he stated in a triumphant note. The flamboyant Professor is not known for measured and responsible statements. But this time around he seemed to project a more confident leader who knew what he was talking about.

However, yesterday the Prime Minister of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) proved him wrong. PM Khaire informed the nation that when it comes to education Somalia is Mogadishu and Mogadishu is Somalia. Flanked by the Federal Minister of Education and the Governor of Banadir Region/Mayor of Mogadishu, PM Khaire stated that he was delighted to witness the successful start of the 2017- 2018 school year examinations. The remarks by the Prime Minister, Federal Education Minister, and Mayor of Mogadishu, reveal critical issues that lie at the heart of the political, developmental and constitutional crises afflicting the country.

Stunning Numbers

The numbers presented by the Prime Minister, the Education Minister and the Mayor were stunning here. To understand and appreciate the full meaning of what was said, it is important to put it in a proper demographic context. The Population Estimation Survey conducted by the United Nations Population Fund in 2014 puts the number of Somalis at 12 million. Only 1.6 million (13%) of the total population live in the Banaadir Region, i.e. Mogadishu. Yet, 21,000 (60%) of the 35,000 students who sat for the annual examinations came from Mogadishu, according to the Federal Ministry of Education. The rest of the country, 10.4 million corresponding to 87% of the population, accounted for only 14,000 (40%) of the lucky few who qualified to sit for the exams. According to the details provided by the Federal Education Ministry yesterday, Puntland and Somaliland could manage only a third, 7,400, of what Mogadishu achieved. The remaining four Federal Member States (FMS) – Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Southwest, and Jubbaland – came up with a combined figure of 6,600, a third of Mogadishu share. The rural/nomadic Somalis  who represent over 60% of the population and account for more than 50% of the country’s export earnings do not even feature in the statistics. In the scheme of things outlined yesterday, Mogadishu is Somalia and Somalia is Mogadishu.

It is important to note that the current government is not responsible for the inequalities and  imbalances in the education system. This is one of the many problems it inherited. However, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) would boost its standing and credibility if it admits that there is a serious problem and then moves quickly to do something about it.


Hassan KEYNAN is former Associate Professor at the Faculty of Education at Lafole and a former Senior  UNESCO Education expert in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia and the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning (UIL) in Hamburg, Germany



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The New Scramble for Somalia: The Role of Diaspora Somalis with Dual Citizenship

The New Scramble for Somalia: The Role of Diaspora Somalis with Dual Citizenship


Hassan A. Keynan*
Becoming an American citizen through naturalization requires taking the Oath of Allegiance, loudly. The first part of the Oath of Allegiance reads, “I hereby declare, on oath, that I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen.” Mr. Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo did exactly that when he took the Oath of Allegiance and became a US citizen some 30 years ago. On 8 February 2017, he was elected President of the Federal Republic of Somalia (FGS).
President Farmaajo is not alone. His administration is packed with diaspora Somalis holding dual citizenship, who returned from Europe, North America, and Australia. Diaspora Somalis from these continents represent less than 30 percent of the estimated 2 million Somali immigrants abroad; and about 5 percent of the total Somali population.  However, politically they disproportionately dominate state institutions, at federal and state levels. For our purpose here, attention will be devoted to the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). Details are sketchy, as government officials do not feel or believe that they ought to disclose their association with foreign powers through citizenship or any other affiliation. Nevertheless, information compiled from different sources indicates that they have established and maintain a firm foothold in all branches of the Federal Government (FG), especially the executive and legislature. Below are details concerning representation of dual citizenship holders in the FG when the formation of President Farmaajo’s administration was completed in March last year.


The American Camp: Somali-Americans occupy the most powerful position in the Federal Government of Somalia. The President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, who is also the head-of-state and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, leads the Camp. It also includes holders of important cabinet posts: Minister of Finance, Minister of Religious Affairs, Minister of Women and Human Rights, and Minister of Fisheries. American citizens of Somali origin also hold other important positions in the Federal Government. 

The Norwegian Colony: Norwegian citizens of Somali origin prominently feature in the business of the FGS.  They occupy two of the top three most powerful positions in the country: The Prime Minister/Head-of-Government and Speaker of the People’s Assembly. In addition, they hold the positions of the Minister of Defence and Minister of Education and Culture. A few are members of the Federal Parliament.

The Canadian Corner: Somali-Canadians preside over the largest number of ministerial portfolios, including some of most coveted posts in the cabinet. They are: Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Constitutional Affairs, Minister of Planning, Minister of Transport and Aviation, and Minister of Labour. 
Lone-star portfolios: Dual citizens hailing from Australia, Britain, Denmark, Nederland, and Sweden also hold cabinet posts. Each has one ministerial position: Energy & Water, Health, Posts, Telecom & Technology, Disaster response, and Internal Security, respectively. 

Concerns about dual citizenship: divided loyalties and conflict of interests

Acquiring dual citizenship is a personal decision. It bestows a variety of opportunities and benefits on the holder. Most importantly, it is perfectly legal according to the Provisional Constitution (PC) of Somalia. However, countries vary greatly when it comes to laws governing dual citizenship. Some reject it completely, while others permit dual citizenship with certain conditions and restrictions. It becomes particularly problematic when dual citizens seek and/or hold the highest public offices in a country. Concerns about dual citizens holding high political office primarily emanate from issues related to divided loyalties and conflict of interests.
Even big and powerful countries warn their citizens not to rush to professing allegiance to a foreign power. According to an editorial piece by the Los Angeles Times (December 26, 2014) the U.S. State Department warns American citizens from ‘retaining or applying for citizenship in another country.’ The most important reason given is that dual citizenship could be seen as a security threat, creating a situation in which dual citizens could be barred from obtaining employment in some diplomatic and intelligence/security positions considered to be highly sensitive.  More recently, issues relating to dual citizenship have turned Australian politics topsy-turvy as many MPs lost their parliamentary positions for failing to disclose and renounce their status as dual citizens before they stood for election. In Ukraine, a country in which more than 100 members of parliament are dual citizens, MPs “flaunt the laws of the country, route their money into hidden accounts in tax havens, and generally enrich themselves at their country’s expense,” according to an article published on Forbes webpage (July 31, 2017). The article also mentions the case of a former Prime Minister who was travelling on a foreign passport and detained in Switzerland ‘for money laundering,’ and that of another senior official in the Ukrainian fiscal service, who ‘may be tried in Britain on corruption charges due to his British Citizenship.’ The practice in most countries is that dual citizens are either barred from occupying top national leadership positions, or they voluntarily renounce their second citizenship. 

The special case of Somalia
The situation in Somalia is both different and rare. Somalia has just started the process of moving out of the degrading and deeply humiliating legacy of a failed state. Its Provisional Constitution (PC) is in disarray and highly contested. In fact, the Somali people have not been consulted about the provisions in the PC that allow dual citizenship.  Its institutions are fragile and extremely vulnerable to infiltration, destabilization, corruption, and even takeover by internal usurpers and/or external predators with vested strategic, geopolitical, or business interests. Moreover, dual citizens have and wield immense executive and legislative powers in a context characterized by lack of accountability and transparency, coupled with debilitating capacity limitations. How these enormous powers are used or abused and in favour of whom and against whom is therefore a matter of utmost importance. Somalis and informed foreigners who closely follow the events unfolding in the country express concerns that are many, deep, and legitimate.
Domination of power: There is not any country in Africa or elsewhere where so much power is concentrated in so few individuals with dual citizenship. The numbers are staggering. Access to the reigns of power is quick, easy and unfettered for dual citizenship. They hardly go through appropriate background checks. This has become a source of frustration and resentment among non-diaspora Somalis, who feel exploited and marginalized in their own country. Current events indicate a disturbing trend regarding the manner in which state power and authority has been exercised. Contrary to the principles of the PC, the power and resources of the state are concentrated in a few federal entities based in Mogadishu, causing a huge and deepening crisis between the FGS and Federal Member States (FMS). This is a serious, even dangerous, matter which, if not resolved, could squander the limited gains made, or even cause the entire fragile federal edifice to collapse.
Obsession with external legitimacy: There is evidence that the FGS looks towards external powers for legitimacy. This is bizarre in the context of established norms underlying state sovereignty and legitimacy. But in the peculiar and befuddled state of Somalia, it is seen as a normal practice. Since the presence and authority of the Federal Government across the country are very thin or non-existent, it finds it easier and more convenient to seek and depend on external actors not only for legitimacy but also for resources. The UN, EU, World Bank, IMF, AMISOM, IGAD, AU, UAE, USA, UK, Qatar, Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti have replaced the Somali people as the principal source of legitimacy for the Federal Government of Somalia. Shuttle visits to and weekends in Nairobi, Dubai, Ankara, Brussels, Washington, Addis Ababa, Kampala, Riyad, and Cairo have become easier and more frequent than spending time with and serving the citizens in Baidoa, Kismayo, Brava, Marka, Jowhar, Beledweyn, Dhusamareb, Galkayo, Garow, and Bosaso. Somaliland does not even feature in the business of the FGS except when Somaliland authorities seek or secure promising investment deals and development opportunities. Success and progress are measured in terms of pledges from the EU, promises from the World Bank, projects from the UN, and secret deals with both sides in the messy and deepening conflict in the Gulf.
Corruption and scramble for Somalia’s strategic assets: The strategically located Horn of Africa region is in the throes of a new and fierce scramble. Somalia is at once a strategic beachhead for the new, enterprising mission; and a principal target if the price is right. The new scramble for Somalia involves a wide range of competitors. The motives and interests of the scramblers vary greatly, as are the tools, narratives, capabilities, and resources deployed in the service of the business. The scramblers have their eyes focused on the country’s main strategic assets: ports, airports, marine resources, and areas with promising oil and mineral wealth. There is also a tough competition for other lucrative sectors, especially security, logistics, infrastructure, and service provision. As indicated in recent reports, the country is being fleeced openly and with total impunity. Diaspora Somalis have been implicated in a number of dubious, even illegal, deals either as brokers, lobbyists, shareholders, or facilitators. Concerns are also expressed regarding attempts by powerful forces in the FGS to bend, pervert, or flaunt existing laws or tamper with new legislative endeavors in the service of greed and corruption.  The Institutions of the Federal Government of Somalia are saddled with a host of lethal afflictions. The one that is most pervasive and most corrosive is corruption, a scourge that the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia and Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) recently referred to as ‘horrendous.’ Reports from the UN, World Bank and other credible sources have documented in great detail the horrendous levels of corruption and embezzlement during the past seven years. These reports indicate that “70 percent of funds that had been earmarked for development and reconstruction in Somalia were unaccounted for.” On 2 March 2014 the Daily Nationin Kenya published a summary of an audit report that alleged an estimated $700 million, mostly from Arab countries, basically ended up in the pockets of senior government officials between 2000 and 2013.

Role of the International Community


For over a quarter century, the International Community (IC) has dominated the affairs of Somalia and the lives and future of Somali people. Billions have been spent to help Somalia navigate the arduous journey form protracted and bloody civil war, to failed state, to transitional state, to fragile state, and finally to a fully sovereign but bankrupt state. This was an unprecedented engagement and a rare experiment in the annals of international cooperation. For the IC, cracking the Somali conundrum has been a constant and messy struggle, involving a great deal of experimentation and improvisation. Some progress has been made. But the achievements have been too little, too slow, and uneven. Most importantly, there is very little to show for the billions of dollars spent to date. A huge chunk of the financial resources earmarked for the country went into the pockets of private individuals and groups many of whom occupied top leadership positions in the government. Things are so bad that ordinary Somalis are beginning to doubt if they have a country any more. The current government has made serious efforts to address the scourge of corruption that blighted the country for decades. However, given the combined and deadly impact of weak government, fragile institutions, and powerful and entrenched networks of corruption, it is hard to even contemplate a satisfactory resolution anytime soon. It is therefore high time for the IC, the UN in particular, to realize that it cannot continue financing an expensive fiction forever. The monster the IC has been feeding and protecting for more than two decades might end up destroying whatever is left of its credibility and integrity, and in the process leave an entire nation feeling humiliated, betrayed, and and profoundly angry.
© 2018 Hassan Keynan
keynanhassan@yahoo.com
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